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When issuing large denoms, why do you think there wasn't a $200 and $2,000 bill?
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<p>[QUOTE="Numbers, post: 1358695, member: 11668"]Generally, the smaller denominations are more widely used, so it makes sense to have a wider variety of them. Remember that, though it was never printed, Congress also authorized a $3 note (but not a $30).</p><p><br /></p><p>Before 1863, when private banks and merchants issued currency, denominations could be practically anything. The $3 denomination wasn't considered unusual then, and even the $4 was seen with some frequency. Denominations like $30 and $40, while they existed, were much less usual.</p><p><br /></p><p>A bank that issued a lot of $1's would see a real benefit to printing some $2's and $3's, in order to reduce total printing expenses (one $3 can do the work of three $1's). But few banks would have issued enough $100's to make $200's look worthwhile, let alone $300's (it's not worth the cost of engraving a printing plate for a $200 to reduce your need for $100's, if you're hardly printing any $100's to begin with).</p><p><br /></p><p>So if you look at obsolete notes, the greatest variety of denominations is always at the low end. Sure, you can find a $30 if you search...but with the same amount of searching you can also find a $1.50 or $1.25 or $2.50 or $6, too.</p><p><br /></p><p>For a more recent example, consider Canada, which for many years went straight from the $100 to the $1000, without even a $500 in between.</p><p><br /></p><p>As to your last question...if there'd been a $200 bill, it would've been eliminated (or not) based on how much it was used (or not). The denominations that we got rid of were those that saw very little demand. For example, here are the production figures for the New York FRB in the 1934 series:</p><p><br /></p><p>$5 - 312,704,000</p><p>$10 - 583,288,000</p><p>$20 - 171,320,000</p><p>$50 - 19,248,000</p><p>$100 - 18,364,000</p><p>$500 - 564,000</p><p>$1000 - 507,132</p><p>$5000 - 11,520</p><p>$10000 - 11,520</p><p><br /></p><p>You can see the huge factor-of-thirty drop between the $100 and $500 denominations...so that was a natural place to draw the line between what was worth printing and what wasn't. (Actually the gap in usage was even wider than these figures indicate, because the listed quantities of $5 through $100 notes met demand from 1934 to 1950, while the listed quantities of $500+ notes were sufficient to last until 1969--over twice as long!) If there'd been a $200, it's hard to say whether people would've used it like a $100 or (barely) used it like a $500; but that's what would've decided whether it was worth continuing to print.[/QUOTE]</p><p><br /></p>
[QUOTE="Numbers, post: 1358695, member: 11668"]Generally, the smaller denominations are more widely used, so it makes sense to have a wider variety of them. Remember that, though it was never printed, Congress also authorized a $3 note (but not a $30). Before 1863, when private banks and merchants issued currency, denominations could be practically anything. The $3 denomination wasn't considered unusual then, and even the $4 was seen with some frequency. Denominations like $30 and $40, while they existed, were much less usual. A bank that issued a lot of $1's would see a real benefit to printing some $2's and $3's, in order to reduce total printing expenses (one $3 can do the work of three $1's). But few banks would have issued enough $100's to make $200's look worthwhile, let alone $300's (it's not worth the cost of engraving a printing plate for a $200 to reduce your need for $100's, if you're hardly printing any $100's to begin with). So if you look at obsolete notes, the greatest variety of denominations is always at the low end. Sure, you can find a $30 if you search...but with the same amount of searching you can also find a $1.50 or $1.25 or $2.50 or $6, too. For a more recent example, consider Canada, which for many years went straight from the $100 to the $1000, without even a $500 in between. As to your last question...if there'd been a $200 bill, it would've been eliminated (or not) based on how much it was used (or not). The denominations that we got rid of were those that saw very little demand. For example, here are the production figures for the New York FRB in the 1934 series: $5 - 312,704,000 $10 - 583,288,000 $20 - 171,320,000 $50 - 19,248,000 $100 - 18,364,000 $500 - 564,000 $1000 - 507,132 $5000 - 11,520 $10000 - 11,520 You can see the huge factor-of-thirty drop between the $100 and $500 denominations...so that was a natural place to draw the line between what was worth printing and what wasn't. (Actually the gap in usage was even wider than these figures indicate, because the listed quantities of $5 through $100 notes met demand from 1934 to 1950, while the listed quantities of $500+ notes were sufficient to last until 1969--over twice as long!) If there'd been a $200, it's hard to say whether people would've used it like a $100 or (barely) used it like a $500; but that's what would've decided whether it was worth continuing to print.[/QUOTE]
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When issuing large denoms, why do you think there wasn't a $200 and $2,000 bill?
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