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<p>[QUOTE="+VGO.DVCKS, post: 8170723, member: 110504"]However anecdotally, the ones of Hugues III (1162-1192) are the same kind of composition. Here's one.</p><p>[ATTACH=full]1427328[/ATTACH]</p><p>Obv. Tops of two croziers /demi-anniles; pellet above, annulet below.</p><p>+VGO DVX BURG: DIE [long ‘O].</p><p>Rev. Cross. +DIVIONENSIS [round 'O;' first 'S' retrograde, second 'S' not] (Dijon).</p><p>Dumas-Dubourg 6-2-3, Roberts 4534 (attr. to Hugues V, 1305-1315).</p><p><br /></p><p>Here's an excerpt from a paper that will likely be unfinished when I'm not.</p><p>Crinon dates the coinage from Hugues's majority in 1165 to the end of the ducal reign in 1192, punctuated by a significant reduction in weight, which he ascribes to Hugues's grant of minting rights for this issue to the local Cluniac abbey of St.-Benigne in 1177 (<i>ibid.</i>). Bouchard notes that, with the ascendancy of the Cistercian monastic order (conspicuously under the influence of its leading proponent, <u><a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#stBernard" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#stBernard">Bernard of Clairvaux</a></u>), "it seems that in the twelfth century the dukes, in making gifts with the announced intention of saving their souls, considered the Cistercian houses the most likely to provide their salvation, and thus they let Cluny and St.-Benigne, which family members had patronized in the eleventh [and <u><a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#HuguesIIBourgogneTOURNUS" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#HuguesIIBourgogneTOURNUS">early in the following</a></u>] century, fall into relative neglect" (Bouchard pp. (150-) 152). In this context, it seems likely that the Cluniac order's minting rights in Dijon, not least in conjunction with subsequent devaluation of the coinage, were intended as the lucrative compensation they undoubtedly were.</p><p><br /></p><p>Hugues was the son and heir of <u><a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#EudesII" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#EudesII">Eudes II</a></u>, and father of <u><a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#EudesIII" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#EudesIII">Eudes III</a></u>. Bouchard notes that Hugues went to the Levant on crusade twice, first "between major Crusades" in 1171, then on the <u><a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#crusade3" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#crusade3">Third Crusade</a></u>, dying at Acre in 1192. On his death, Eudes III "confirmed all the rights and possessions of [the monastery of] <u><a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#stBenigneAbbey" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#stBenigneAbbey">St.-Benigne</a></u> of Dijon for his father's soul. A friendship between a nobleman and the monks of a particular house might be built up slowly (and, from the monks' point of view, painfully), but, once established, those monks were to the noble <i>his </i>monks, men he could count on to pray for his soul, monks he would turn to though half a world away." (Bouchard pp. 198, 199).</p><p><br /></p><p>This juxtaposition of various strands of piety, local, foreign and ultimately filial, is poignant enough, especially on the level of the immediate participants. However, it simultaneously belies the fact that the very expense of crusading, ostensibly among the greatest acts of Christian devotion available to the lay aristocracy, easily could lead to less than exemplary behavior nearer home. As Luchaire observes, the convergence of aristocratic social convention with expanding mercantile forces was only brought into highest relief by the crusades, for which “money was [only most immediately] necessary” (p. 326). Cazel expands on the point: “few crusaders had sufficient cash income both to pay their obligations at home and to support themselves decently on a crusade. [….] From the First Crusade to the last the alienation of property by crusaders reveals the failure of booty, current income, and savings to support their expeditions” (pp. 117, 119).</p><p><br /></p><p>What was true of crusading also held for the wider aristocratic ethos. Baldwin observes that, as of of the later 12th and earlier 13th centuries, the milieu was dominated by a powerful tradition of “largesse, or generosity,” reaching back to a smokily remote, idealized <u><a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#Carolingians" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#Carolingians">Carolingian</a></u> past. “Wealth was distributed ostentatiously, without restraint” (p. 98). Luchaire characterizes this in terms of a “theory of obligatory prodigality, especially toward poor knights” (p. 336). In reference to <u><a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#BaudouinVeulogy" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#BaudouinVeulogy">Baudouin V</a></u> of Hainaut, he further notes that this inhabited a continuum with the more mundane pirsuit of <u><a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#privatewar" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#privatewar">domestic war</a></u>: “[t]he military resources of [the nobility’s] own fiefs were not sufficient for them to lead armies into campaigns so often as they did. They had recourse to mercenaries[…].” Baudouin paid his exhorbitantly, supplemented by “presents of horses, clothing, and cash” (pp. 335, 336). In effect, a ‘perfect storm’ had occurred, between the gradual but ever more insistent monetization of the French economy, and a feudal culture which, while far from static (in fact, ever more elaborate, both in practice and commensurate expense), continued, unsustainably, to rely on agrarian economic foundations. This had already placed much of the feudal nobility on a losing trajectory: “Unless one were a <a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#PhilippeII" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#PhilippeII">Philip Augustus</a> or a <a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#HenryII" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#HenryII">Henry [II]</a>, able to operate on a large scale and to make vast conquests, one got nothing out of it. A [seignieurial] budget of this time is ordinarily a budget with a deficit” (p. 325; cf.pp. 335-6).</p><p><br /></p><p>Hugues’ own career places this principle in especially high relief, as his ongoing fiscal problems were accompanied by a remarkable phase of territorial expansion --largely through marriage-- and administrative consolidation within his duchy (Dunbabin p. 306). As Luchaire continues, repeated adventures overseas contributed profoundly to his “always [being] at the end of his resources.” His response, especially in light of his father’s remarkably farsighted <a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#EudesThibautHomage" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#EudesThibautHomage">policy</a> toward the Champagne fairs, betrays the depth of his desperation. Luchaire goes on to observe that Hugues “was really a robber on the the great highways; he plundered the French and Flemish merchants who crossed his lands.” (P. 251. See the entry for Renaud de Dammartin for a specific <a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#RenaudDammartinBrigandageSeeHIIIBurgundy" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#RenaudDammartinBrigandageSeeHIIIBurgundy">instance</a> of the practice.) It would remain for his grandson, <a href="https://www.cointalk.com/#HuguesIVDijon" class="internalLink ProxyLink" data-proxy-href="https://www.cointalk.com/#HuguesIVDijon">Hugues IV</a>, to fully adapt to the changed economic landscape.</p><p><br /></p><p>Baldwin, John W. Aristocratic Life in Medieval France: The Romances of Jean Renart and Gerbert de Montreuil, 1190-1230. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2000.</p><p>Bouchard, Constance Brittain. Sword, Miter, and Cloister: Nobility and the Church in Burgundy, 980-1198. Ithaca: Cornell UP,1987.</p><p>Cazel, Fred A., Jr. “Financing the Crusades.” A History of the Crusades. Volume Six: The Impact of the Crusades on Europe. Ed. Harry W. Hazard and Norman P. Zacour. Madison, Wisconsin: U of Wisconsin P, 1989.</p><p>Dunbabin, Jean. France in the Making: 843-1180. 1st ed. Oxford UP, 1985. </p><p>Luchaire, Achille. Social France at the Time of Philippe Augustus. Trans. Edward Benjamin Krehbiel. 1909 (/trans.1912). New York: Harper, 1967.)</p><p><br /></p><p>(End of excerpt.)</p><p>Since all of this obviously concerns a later ducal reign, it's not going to provide any 'smoking gun' for the composition of the earlier ones. However, the issues of Hugues IV (1218-1272) are back to the level of silvering familiar from Eudes II. Regarding that interval, under Hugues IV, the financial fortunes of the duchy saw a considerable uptick, due in part to the ongoing, close political and economic ties to the County of Champgne, with its famous(ly lucrative) fairs.[/QUOTE]</p><p><br /></p>
[QUOTE="+VGO.DVCKS, post: 8170723, member: 110504"]However anecdotally, the ones of Hugues III (1162-1192) are the same kind of composition. Here's one. [ATTACH=full]1427328[/ATTACH] Obv. Tops of two croziers /demi-anniles; pellet above, annulet below. +VGO DVX BURG: DIE [long ‘O]. Rev. Cross. +DIVIONENSIS [round 'O;' first 'S' retrograde, second 'S' not] (Dijon). Dumas-Dubourg 6-2-3, Roberts 4534 (attr. to Hugues V, 1305-1315). Here's an excerpt from a paper that will likely be unfinished when I'm not. Crinon dates the coinage from Hugues's majority in 1165 to the end of the ducal reign in 1192, punctuated by a significant reduction in weight, which he ascribes to Hugues's grant of minting rights for this issue to the local Cluniac abbey of St.-Benigne in 1177 ([I]ibid.[/I]). Bouchard notes that, with the ascendancy of the Cistercian monastic order (conspicuously under the influence of its leading proponent, [U][URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#stBernard']Bernard of Clairvaux[/URL][/U]), "it seems that in the twelfth century the dukes, in making gifts with the announced intention of saving their souls, considered the Cistercian houses the most likely to provide their salvation, and thus they let Cluny and St.-Benigne, which family members had patronized in the eleventh [and [U][URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#HuguesIIBourgogneTOURNUS']early in the following[/URL][/U]] century, fall into relative neglect" (Bouchard pp. (150-) 152). In this context, it seems likely that the Cluniac order's minting rights in Dijon, not least in conjunction with subsequent devaluation of the coinage, were intended as the lucrative compensation they undoubtedly were. Hugues was the son and heir of [U][URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#EudesII']Eudes II[/URL][/U], and father of [U][URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#EudesIII']Eudes III[/URL][/U]. Bouchard notes that Hugues went to the Levant on crusade twice, first "between major Crusades" in 1171, then on the [U][URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#crusade3']Third Crusade[/URL][/U], dying at Acre in 1192. On his death, Eudes III "confirmed all the rights and possessions of [the monastery of] [U][URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#stBenigneAbbey']St.-Benigne[/URL][/U] of Dijon for his father's soul. A friendship between a nobleman and the monks of a particular house might be built up slowly (and, from the monks' point of view, painfully), but, once established, those monks were to the noble [I]his [/I]monks, men he could count on to pray for his soul, monks he would turn to though half a world away." (Bouchard pp. 198, 199). This juxtaposition of various strands of piety, local, foreign and ultimately filial, is poignant enough, especially on the level of the immediate participants. However, it simultaneously belies the fact that the very expense of crusading, ostensibly among the greatest acts of Christian devotion available to the lay aristocracy, easily could lead to less than exemplary behavior nearer home. As Luchaire observes, the convergence of aristocratic social convention with expanding mercantile forces was only brought into highest relief by the crusades, for which “money was [only most immediately] necessary” (p. 326). Cazel expands on the point: “few crusaders had sufficient cash income both to pay their obligations at home and to support themselves decently on a crusade. [….] From the First Crusade to the last the alienation of property by crusaders reveals the failure of booty, current income, and savings to support their expeditions” (pp. 117, 119). What was true of crusading also held for the wider aristocratic ethos. Baldwin observes that, as of of the later 12th and earlier 13th centuries, the milieu was dominated by a powerful tradition of “largesse, or generosity,” reaching back to a smokily remote, idealized [U][URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#Carolingians']Carolingian[/URL][/U] past. “Wealth was distributed ostentatiously, without restraint” (p. 98). Luchaire characterizes this in terms of a “theory of obligatory prodigality, especially toward poor knights” (p. 336). In reference to [U][URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#BaudouinVeulogy']Baudouin V[/URL][/U] of Hainaut, he further notes that this inhabited a continuum with the more mundane pirsuit of [U][URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#privatewar']domestic war[/URL][/U]: “[t]he military resources of [the nobility’s] own fiefs were not sufficient for them to lead armies into campaigns so often as they did. They had recourse to mercenaries[…].” Baudouin paid his exhorbitantly, supplemented by “presents of horses, clothing, and cash” (pp. 335, 336). In effect, a ‘perfect storm’ had occurred, between the gradual but ever more insistent monetization of the French economy, and a feudal culture which, while far from static (in fact, ever more elaborate, both in practice and commensurate expense), continued, unsustainably, to rely on agrarian economic foundations. This had already placed much of the feudal nobility on a losing trajectory: “Unless one were a [URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#PhilippeII']Philip Augustus[/URL] or a [URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#HenryII']Henry [II][/URL], able to operate on a large scale and to make vast conquests, one got nothing out of it. A [seignieurial] budget of this time is ordinarily a budget with a deficit” (p. 325; cf.pp. 335-6). Hugues’ own career places this principle in especially high relief, as his ongoing fiscal problems were accompanied by a remarkable phase of territorial expansion --largely through marriage-- and administrative consolidation within his duchy (Dunbabin p. 306). As Luchaire continues, repeated adventures overseas contributed profoundly to his “always [being] at the end of his resources.” His response, especially in light of his father’s remarkably farsighted [URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#EudesThibautHomage']policy[/URL] toward the Champagne fairs, betrays the depth of his desperation. Luchaire goes on to observe that Hugues “was really a robber on the the great highways; he plundered the French and Flemish merchants who crossed his lands.” (P. 251. See the entry for Renaud de Dammartin for a specific [URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#RenaudDammartinBrigandageSeeHIIIBurgundy']instance[/URL] of the practice.) It would remain for his grandson, [URL='https://www.cointalk.com/#HuguesIVDijon']Hugues IV[/URL], to fully adapt to the changed economic landscape. Baldwin, John W. Aristocratic Life in Medieval France: The Romances of Jean Renart and Gerbert de Montreuil, 1190-1230. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2000. Bouchard, Constance Brittain. Sword, Miter, and Cloister: Nobility and the Church in Burgundy, 980-1198. Ithaca: Cornell UP,1987. Cazel, Fred A., Jr. “Financing the Crusades.” A History of the Crusades. Volume Six: The Impact of the Crusades on Europe. Ed. Harry W. Hazard and Norman P. Zacour. Madison, Wisconsin: U of Wisconsin P, 1989. Dunbabin, Jean. France in the Making: 843-1180. 1st ed. Oxford UP, 1985. Luchaire, Achille. Social France at the Time of Philippe Augustus. Trans. Edward Benjamin Krehbiel. 1909 (/trans.1912). New York: Harper, 1967.) (End of excerpt.) Since all of this obviously concerns a later ducal reign, it's not going to provide any 'smoking gun' for the composition of the earlier ones. However, the issues of Hugues IV (1218-1272) are back to the level of silvering familiar from Eudes II. Regarding that interval, under Hugues IV, the financial fortunes of the duchy saw a considerable uptick, due in part to the ongoing, close political and economic ties to the County of Champgne, with its famous(ly lucrative) fairs.[/QUOTE]
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